Indigenous languages of the Americas

Indigenous languages of the Americas are spoken by indigenous peoples from Alaska and Greenland to the southern tip of South America, encompassing the land masses which constitute the Americas. These indigenous languages consist of dozens of distinct language families as well as many language isolates and unclassified languages. Many proposals to group these into higher-level families have been made, such as in three macrofamilies of Eskimo–Aleut, Na-Dene, and Amerind, though this scheme is rejected by nearly all specialists.^[1] According to UNESCO, most of the indigenous American languages in North America are critically endangered, and many of them are already extinct.^[2]

Background

Thousands of languages were spoken in North and South America prior to first contact with Europeans between the beginning of the 11th century (Norwegian settlement of Greenland and attempted settlement of Labrador and Newfoundland) and the end of the 15th century (the voyages of Christopher Columbus). Several indigenous cultures of the Americas had also developed their own writing systems, including the Mayan and Nahuatl. The indigenous languages of the Americas had widely varying demographics, from the Quechua languages, Aymara, Guarani, and Nahuatl, which had millions of active speakers, to many languages with only several hundred speakers. After pre-Columbian times, several indigenous creole languages also developed in the Americas from European, indigenous and African languages.

The European colonizers and their successor states had widely varying attitudes towards Native American languages. In Brazil, friars actively learned and promoted the Tupi language. In many Latin American colonies, Spanish missionaries often learned local languages in order to preach to the natives in their own tongue. In the American colonies, John Eliot of Massachusetts translated the Bible into the Massachusett language, also called Wampanoag, Massachusett or Natick (1661–1663; he published the first Bible printed in North America). The Europeans also actively suppressed indigenous American languages. As a result, indigenous American languages suffered from cultural suppression and loss of speakers. By the 18th and 19th centuries, the Spanish, English, Portuguese, French, and Dutch, brought to the Americas by European settlers and administrators, had become the official or national languages of modern nation-states of the Americas.

Today, although many indigenous languages have become critically endangered, others are now rigorously spoken. Several even have official status, such as Guaraní in Paraguay. In other cases official status is limited to certain regions where the languages are spoken, and even if enshrined in constitutions, they may have infrequent de facto official use: examples of this are the status of Quechua in Peru and Aymara in Bolivia, where in practice, Spanish is dominant in all formal contexts. In the Arctic region, Greenland in 2009 adopted Kalaallisut as its sole official language. In the United States, the Navajo language is the most spoken Native American language, with over 200,000 speakers in the Southwestern United States. The language was used by the Navajo Code Talkers during World War II to transmit secret US military messages, which neither the Germans and Japanese ever deciphered. Today, governments, universities, and indigenous peoples are continuing to work for the preservation and revitalization of indigenous American languages.

Origins

In American Indian Languages: The Historical Linguistics of Native America, Lyle Campbell lists several hypotheses for the historical origins of Amerindian languages.^[3]

1. A single, one-language migration (currently not widely accepted)
2. A few linguistically distinct migrations (favored by Edward Sapir)
3. Multiple migrations
4. Multilingual migrations (single migration with multiple languages)
5. The influx of already diversified but related languages from the Old World
6. Extinction of Old World linguistic relatives (while the New World ones survived)
7. Migration along the Pacific coast instead of the Bering Strait

Language families and isolates

Notes:

• Extinct languages or families are indicated by: †.
• The number of family members is indicated in parentheses (for example, Arauan (9) means the Arauan family consists of nine languages).
• Out of convenience, the following list of language families is divided in 3 sections based on political boundaries of countries. These sections correspond roughly with the geographic regions (North, Central, and South America) but are not equivalent. This division also does not cleanly delineate indigenous culture areas.

North America

There are approximately 296 spoken (or formerly spoken) indigenous languages north of Mexico, 269 of which are grouped into 29 families (the remaining 27 languages are either isolates or unclassified). The Na–Dené, Algic, and Uto-Aztecan families are the largest in terms of number of languages. Uto-Aztecan has the most speakers (1.95 million) if the languages in Mexico are considered (mostly due to 1.5 million speakers of Nahuatl); Na–Dene comes in second with approximately 200,000 speakers (nearly 180,000 of these are speakers of Navajo), and Algic in third with about 180,000 speakers (mainly Cree and Ojibwe). Na–Dené and Algic have the widest geographic distributions: Algic currently spans from northeastern Canada across much of the continent down to northeastern Mexico (due to later migrations of the Kickapoo) with two outliers in California (Yurok and Wiyot); Na–Dené spans from Alaska and western Canada through Washington, Oregon, and California to the U.S. Southwest and northern Mexico (with one outlier in the Plains). Several families consist of only 2 or 3 languages. Demonstrating genetic relationships has proved difficult due to the great linguistic diversity present in North America. Two large (super-) family proposals, Penutian and Hokan, look particularly promising. However, even after decades of research, a large number of families and isolates remain.

North America is notable for its linguistic diversity, especially in California. California alone has 18 genetic units consisting of 74 languages (compared to the mere 4 genetic units in all of Europe: Basque, Indo-European, Uralic, Afroasiatic).^[4] Another area of considerable diversity appears to have been the Southeast; however, many of these languages became extinct from European contact and as a result they are, for the most part, absent from the historical record. This diversity has been and continues to be very influential in the development of linguistic thought in the U.S.

Due to the diversity of this area, it is difficult to make generalizations that adequately characterize the entire region. Most North American languages have a relatively small number of vowels (i.e. four or five vowels). Languages of the western half of North America often have relatively large consonant inventories. The languages of the Pacific Northwest are notable for their complex phonotactics (for example, some languages have words that lack vowels entirely). The languages of the Plateau area have relatively rare pharyngeals and epiglottals (they are otherwise restricted to Afro-Asiatic and Caucasian languages). Ejective consonants are also common in North America, although they are rare elsewhere (except, again, for the Caucasus region, parts of Africa, and the Mayan family).

Head-marking is found in many languages of North America (as well as in Central and South America), but outside of the Americas it is rare. Many languages throughout North America are polysynthetic (Eskimo–Aleut languages are extreme examples), although this is not characteristic of all North American languages (contrary to what was believed by 19th-century linguists). Several families have unique traits, such as the inverse number marking of Tanoan, the lexical affixes of Wakashan, Salishan and Chimakuan, and the unusual verb structure of Nadene.

The classification below is a composite of Goddard (1996), Campbell (1997), and Mithun (1999).

Central America and Mexico

South America

Although both North and Central America are very diverse areas, South America has a linguistic diversity rivalled by only a few other places in the world with approximately 350 languages still spoken and an estimated 1,500 languages at first European contact. The situation of language documentation and classification into genetic families is not as advanced as in North America (which is relatively well-studied in many areas). Kaufman (1994: 46) gives the following appraisal:

Since the mid 1950s, the amount of published material on SA [South America] has been gradually growing, but even so, the number of researchers is far smaller than the growing number of linguistic communities whose speech should be documented. Given the current employment opportunities, it is not likely that the number of specialists in SA Indian languages will increase fast enough to document most of the surviving SA languages before they go out of use, as most of them unavoidably will. More work languishes in personal files than is published, but this is a standard problem.

It is fair to say that SA and New Guinea are linguistically the poorest documented parts of the world. However, in the early 1960s fairly systematic efforts were launched in Papua New Guinea, and that area – much smaller than SA, to be sure – is in general much better documented than any part of indigenous SA of comparable size.

As a result, many relationships between languages and language families have not been determined and some of those relationships that have been proposed are on somewhat shaky ground.

The list of language families and isolates below is a rather conservative one based on Campbell (1997). Many of the proposed (and often speculative) groupings of families can be seen in Campbell (1997), Gordon (2005), Kaufman (1990, 1994), Key (1979), Loukotka (1968), and in the Language stock proposals section below.

* There is little to say about these almost unattested languages. See Pijao.

Language stock proposals

Many hypothetical language phylum proposals concerning American languages are often cited as uncontroversially demonstrated in more popular writings. However, many of these proposals have, in fact, not been fully demonstrated if even at all. Some proposals are viewed by specialists in a favorable light, believing that genetic relationships are very likely to be established in the future (for example, the Penutian stock). Other proposals are more controversial with many linguists believing that some genetic relationships of a proposal may be demonstrated but much of it undemonstrated (for example, Hokan–Siouan, which, incidentally, Edward Sapir called his "wastepaper basket stock").^[5] Still other proposals are almost unanimously rejected by specialists (for example, Amerind). Below is a (partial) list of some such proposals:

Good discussions of past proposals can be found in Campbell (1997) and Campbell & Mithun (1979).

Amerindian linguist Lyle Campbell also assigned different percentage values of probability and confidence for various proposals of macro-families and language relationships, depending on his views of the proposals' strengths.^[6] For example, the Germanic language family would receive probability and confidence percentage values of +100% and 100%, respectively. However, if Turkish and Quechua were compared, the probability value might be -95%, while the confidence value might be 95%. 0% probability or confidence would mean complete uncertainty.

Linguistic areas

The languages of the Americas often can be grouped together into linguistic areas or Sprachbunds (also known as convergence areas). The linguistic areas identified so far deserve more research to determine their validity. Knowing about Sprachbunds helps historical linguists differentiate between shared areal traits and true genetic relationship. The pioneering work on American areal linguistics was a dissertation by Joel Sherzer, which was published as Sherzer (1976).

In American Indian Languages: the Historical Linguistics of Native America, Lyle Campbell also lists over 20 Sprachbunds or linguistic areas,^[11] many of which are still hypothetical.

Note: Some linguistic areas may overlap with others.

Unattested languages

Several languages are only known by mention in historical documents or from only a few names or words. It cannot be determined that these languages actually existed or that the few recorded words are actually of known or unknown languages. Some may simply be from a historian's errors. Others are of known people with no linguistic record (sometimes due to lost records). A short list is below.

Loukotka (1968) reports the names of hundreds of South American languages which do not have any linguistic documentation.

Pidgins and mixed languages

Various miscellaneous languages such as pidgins, mixed languages, trade languages, and sign languages are given below in alphabetical order.

See also

• Archive of the Indigenous Languages of Latin America
• Classification schemes for indigenous languages of the Americas
• Mesoamerican languages
• Amerind languages
• Language families and languages
• Classification of indigenous peoples of the Americas
• Haplogroup Q (Y-DNA)
• Indigenous peoples of the Americas
• List of indigenous languages in Argentina
• Languages of Peru
• Native American Languages Act of 1990

Notes

Bibliography

North America

South America

• Debian North American Indigenous Languages Project

External links

• Catálogo de línguas indígenas sul-americanas
• Diccionario etnolingüístico y guía bibliográfica de los pueblos indígenas sudamericanos
• Towards a general typology of South American indigenous languages. A bibliographical database
• South American Languages
• Society to Advance Indigenous Vernaculars of the United States (SAIVUS)
• Indigenous Peoples Languages: Articles, News, Videos
• Documentation Center of the Linguistic Minorities of Panama
• The Archive of the Indigenous Languages of Latin America
• Indigenous Language Institute
• The Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas (SSILA)
• Southern Oregon Digital Archives First Nations Tribal Collection (collection of ethnographic, linguistic, & historical material)
• Center for the Study of the Native Languages of the Plains and Southwest
• Project for the Documentation of the Languages of Mesoamerica
• Programa de Formación en Educación Intercultural Bilingüe para los Países Andinos
• Native American Language Center (University of California at Davis)
• Native Languages of the Americas
• International Journal of American Linguistics
• Our Languages (Saskatchewan Indian Cultural Centre)
• Swadesh Lists of Brazilian Native Languages